History hijacked by perverse politics of bogus secularism

What drove Muslim invaders to loot and destroy Hindu temples? Was it greed? Was it hatred of idol worship? Or was it contempt towards a conquered people? Ajmer offers possible answers

First, some trivia for history buffs. James Tod joined the Bengal Army as a cadet in 1799, presumably looking for a life of adventure in the heat and dust of India. He swiftly rose through the ranks and, as a Lieutenant-Colonel, the records of the times tell us, provided valuable service to the East India Company. His uncanny ability to gather information helped the early colonisers smash the Maratha Confederacy. Later, his assistance was sought during the Rajputana campaign.

Colonel Tod, as he was known, was a natural scholar with an eye for detail and a curious mind. He was fascinated by the history of Rajputana and its antiquities as much as by its palace intrigues and the shifting loyalties of its rulers and their factotums. That fascination led to his penning two books that are still considered mandatory reading for anybody interested in the history of the Rajputs, although latter-day scholars of the Marxist variety would disagree with both the contents and the style, neither leavened by ideological predilections. The first volume of Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan was published in 1829 and the second in 1832, nearly a decade after he returned to Britain.

And now to present times. Thousands of people, Indians and foreigners, Muslims and non-Muslims, visit Ajmer every day to offer a chaadar at Dargah Sharif of Hazrat Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti, a shrine where all are welcome and every prayer is answered, or so the pious choose to believe. Many stay on to visit the other antiquities of Ajmer, among them a magnificent mosque complex which bears little or no resemblance to its name: Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra.

People gawk at the columns and the façade intricately carved with inscriptions from the Quran in Arabic. They pose for photographs or capture the mosque’s ‘beauty’ on video cameras and carry back memories of Islam’s munificence towards its followers. Don’t forget to visit Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra, they will later tell friends and relatives visiting Ajmer.

As for Indian Muslims who travel to Ajmer and see Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra, they would be tempted to wonder why similar mosques are no longer built, a wonderment that is only partially explained by the fact that sultans and badshahs no longer rule India. The crescent had begun to wane long before a derelict Bahadur Shah Zafar was propped up as Badshah of Hindoostan by the mutineers of 1857.

Such speculation as may flit through troubled minds need not detain us, nor is there any need to feel sorry for those who wallow in self-pity or are enraged by the realisation of permanent loss of power. A century and a half is long enough time to reconcile to the changed realities of today’s Hindustan.

So, let us return to Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra in Ajmer. Few who have seen and admired this mosque complex would be aware of Colonel Tod’s description of it in the first volume of Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan: “The entire façade of this noble entrance … is covered with Arabic inscriptions … but in a small frieze over the apex of the arch is contained an inscription in Sanskrit.” And that oddity tells the real story of Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra.

This is no place of worship built over weeks and months for the faithful to congregate five times a day, it is a monument to honour Shahabuddin Muhammad Ghauri who travelled through Ajmer after defeating, and killing, Prithviraj Chauhan in the second battle of Tarain in 1192 AD. Stunned by the beauty of the temples of Ajmer and shocked by such idolatory, he ordered Qutbuddin Aibak to sack the city and build a mosque, a mission to be accomplished in two-and-a-half days, so that he could offer namaz on his way back.

Aibak fulfilled the task given to him: He used the structures of three temples to fashion what now stands as Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra. Mindful of sensitivities, his men used their swords to disfigure the faces of figures carved into the 70 pillars that still stand. It would seem India’s invaders had a particular distaste for Indian noses portrayed in stone and plaster.

The story of Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra is not unique. Hindustan’s landscape is dotted with mosques built on sites where temples stood, often crafted with material from the destroyed places of worship. Quwwat-ul Islam, the first mosque built in Delhi, bears testimony to the ruthless invader’s smash-and-grab policy, as do the mosques Aurangzeb built in Kashi and Mathura, or the mosque Mir Baqi built at Ayodhya on the site Hindus believe to be, and revere as, Ram Janmasthan.

The pillars and inner walls of Babri Masjid, as the disputed structure was known till it came crashing down on December 6, 1992, were those of a temple that once stood there, a fact proven beyond doubt. Somnath was fortunate: It was sacked repeatedly, but no mosque came to occupy the land where it stood — and still stands — in Gujarat, a coastal sentinel guarding faith, culture, civilisation. The Vishwanath temple at Kashi was less fortunate as was Krishna Janamsthan in Mathura.

Strange as it may seem, such destruction, barring the illegitimate occupation by Muslims of Temple Mount revered by Jews in Jerusalem, never happened in the land considered holiest of all by followers of the three Abrahamic faiths. The Church of Nativity in Bethlehem commemorates (and preserves) the manger where Jesus Christ was born. In the walled city of Jerusalem stands the centuries old Church of the Holy Sepulchre at the spot where Jesus was crucified and the sepulchre where he was buried and from where he rose. These and many other Christian sites have remained untouched. As have Jewish sites.

What then explains the extraordinary destructive trait displayed by Muslim invaders who raided India again and again? It couldn’t just have been the wealth of temples (as Marxist historians who grudgingly concede temples were indeed attacked would forcefully argue in justification of the destruction), there has to be something more. Was it polytheism that upset the early age Islamists? Was it idol worship that enraged them? Or was it simply hate and contempt towards the conquered that drove the destructive impulse of the conquering invader?

Ironically, to ask these questions would be considered as ‘intolerance’ today. Positing possible answers would be labelled as ‘hate speech’. And those asking the questions and positing possible answers would be described as ‘Islamophobes’. History has truly been hijacked by the perverse politics of our times.

 (This appeared as Coffee Break in The Pioneer on October 20, 2012)

Source: http://www.niticentral.com/2012/10/history-hijacked-by-perverse-politics-of-bogus-secularism.html

Gogoi releases white paper on foreigners

The foreigners issue is not the number one problem of Assam but unemployment is.

Chief minister Tarun Gogoi made this assertion during the release of the much-awaited white paper on the foreigners issue in Assam, a 94-page booklet of "consolidated" statement of facts and figures, ostensibly aimed at neutralising the bid to revive the foreigners agitation in the wake of the BTAD riots since July.

"It is not the number one problem as some sections want the outside world to believe because facts and figures do not show it. Unemployment is," he said in response to a query on the foreigners issue.

Asked what his message to the protesters would be, he said, "It is not the only problem. Unemployment is much more serious than the foreigners issue today. The government is concerned about the issue (illegal migrants) and is working towards resolving it".

The white paper, the first of its kind, was released at the packed chief minister's conference hall in the presence of ministers Nazrul Islam, Prithibi Majhi, Himanta Biswa Sarma, Nilamani Sen Deka, DGP J.N. Choudhury, additional chief secretary P.P. Verma, commissioner to the chief minister, Jishnu Baruah, and principal secretary (home), Sailesh, among others.

Outside the hall, there was a huge cutout of a smiling Gogoi releasing the white paper, ostensibly aimed at making the occasion "momentous" even though few within and outside were convinced about the efficacy of the exercise which had seen both the chief minister's office and the home department working late into the day to complete the booklet.

In an attempt to give a historical perspective to the problem, which has been traced to the days of the British Raj, Gogoi said in his opening remarks, "The white paper will form the basis of future research on the issue. It spells out why so much migration took place. There are both economic and other reasons like the riots that followed Partition and creation of Bangladesh."

The white paper spells out in detail steps taken for the detection and deportation of foreigners, to check infiltration, for sealing the international border and a commitment to implement the 1985 Assam Accord.

It also mentions the road ahead, including update of the 1951 NRC within three years, completing the UAID project, fencing the border and strengthening the foreigners tribunals, among others.

The white paper appears to be the first salvo from the Congress-led government to check the growing propaganda against it for allegedly doing nothing to check the problem. Sources privy to the preparation of the paper said it was an "honest and objective" look at the problem and releasing a consolidated statement of facts and figures in the public domain.

It is a joint effort of the government and the party, which got unnerved with widespread protests that followed the BTAD riots. More so because of the ensuing panchayat elections which will be followed by the general elections.

"The white paper was a must to remove doubts and confusion in the minds of the public. Most don't know, for which all sorts of wild allegations are being directed against the government and the party. There was no agitation when the AGP is in power but the issue returned to centrestage when theCongress is in power. An attempt is being made to divert attention from the development agenda by playing on the emotions of the gullible public before the panchayat polls. This white paper aims to leave it to the public to take a call on who has done what," a veteran Congress MLA said.

This was even borne out by Gogoi's observation during the release. "Our government has done more to resolve the issue than the Prafulla Kumar Mahanta-led government or the BJP-led government at the Centre. They rake up the issue only when there is an election around the corner."

Notwithstanding Gogoi's assertion, the white paper is likely to be panned, sources said.

"We are yet to go through it but questions will be raised as to why it took Gogoi 12 years to come out with a white paper. Isn't it driven solely by electoral motives? Isn't the government trying to belittle the issue by saying that it is not the number one problem or a major problem after several hundred had died fighting for ouster of foreigners. More than history, Gogoi should have come out with a concrete timeframe to resolve the problem," an Opposition leader, not willing to be named just yet, said.

What is it all about

The white paper is a milestone in the history of the illegal migrants problem in Assam.

Sources associated with its preparation said its purpose was "to take an honest and objective look at the problem and release a consolidated statement of facts and figures in the public domain for the people to know and to take a call on what is what and who is doing what on the issue".

This is the first time that any government, Congress or otherwise, has tabled a white paper on the issue on the floor of the Assembly.

That the Congress government decided to table a white paper is remarkable since Congress chief ministers in the past have denied the very existence of illegal Bangladeshis in Assam.

The Downside

The government makes an attempt to whitewash certain historical aspects of the issue, including the fact that the arrival of illegal Bangladeshis in Assam started not just as a simple migration between Assam and erstwhile East Bengal in undivided India. No mention is made, for example, of the "Grow More" programme initiated by Assam's "premier" Sir Syed Mohammed Sadullah in 1937. The programme had involved relocation of people from Assam's Mymensingh district to Assam to grow more foodgrain. As one British officer said, it was not a programme to grow more grain but to grow more people of a certain community. Sadullah's programme was opposed by Maulana Md Tyebullah and Gopinath Bordoloi, both Congressmen. Equations, however, changed after Congress leaders began to come to power with votes from illegal migrants.

The white paper attempts to equate the migration of people from Mymemsingh to that of people from Rajasthan and other areas in India, which is not entirely true.

"It is positive to note some beneficial effects of migration of peasants from East Bengal," says the white paper. "Because of the agricultural practices of the hardworking immigrants and their contribution to the agricultural economy, rice production increased significantly. A number of vegetables and crops were also introduced by the migrants".

The Upside

The white paper puts in the public domain a list of aspects concerning the illegal migrants issue and its handling. It says:

(a) The definition of the terms "illegal migration" and "illegal immigrants" is "far from being complete".

(b) "The effectiveness of any drive against illegal migration in the early fifties was handicapped by the fact that passport and visa regulations between India and Pakistan came into operation only from October 1952".

(c) The Registrar General of Census in his report on the 1961 census assessed that 2,20,691 infiltrants had entered Assam.

(d) During 1961-66, 1,78,952 infiltrants were either deported or had voluntarily left the country but an estimated 40,000 did not leave India. "The issue of eviction of infiltrants was deliberated several times by the cabinet during 1964-66 and there was general consensus that any stoppage of deportation would seriously affect the internal situation in Assam".

(e) Representation made by several organisations about harassment to bonafide Indian citizens and adverse publicity in international media led to the creation of the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order in 1964 to introduce a "judicial element in the eviction of Pakistani infiltrators". By 1968, there were nine Foreigners Tribunals.

(f) In 1969, the government decided that only (a) Pakistani nationals who held Pakistani passports (b) Reinfiltrants who had been deported before and (c) Fresh infiltrants caught at the border should be deported. "Superintendents of police were further instructed that there should be no wholesale checking of villages and houses."

(g) In 1965, the government of India took up with the state government the issue of updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and to issue identity cards which Indians citizens in Assam were to carry on a voluntary basis.

(h) Currently, lack of judicial supervision, long vacancies of members and inadequate staff has led to "large number of cases pending in some of the tribunals". There are 36 tribunals in Assam to deal with illegal migrants. There are still 65,000 unregistered cases.

(i) A total of 1,06,587 cases have been referred to the tribunals. Of them 70,152 have been disposed, 36,435 are pending. Of the people tried, 41,660 have been declared foreigners and 884 have been pushed back.

(j) Survey and surveillance is carried out generally in the areas of new settlements, construction sites, encroached land, government land, forest land and hitherto uninhabited land to identify and detect foreigners.

(k) Most foreigners are found to be working as daily wage earners and rickshaw pullers who live in rented houses.

() There is a difference between "push back" and "deportation". In the case of push back, there is no need for acceptance of the person concerned by the Bangladesh Border Guards (BGB). In case of deportation, there is a proper flag meeting between the BGB and the BSF and deportation takes place only when the BGB accepts the foreigner. If the BGB refuses to accept the person, "the BSF is left with no option and such persons become stateless in a way".

(m) "The matter of deportation of foreigners who have illegally entered into India needs to be taken up by the government of India with the government of Bangladesh so that a proper policy can be evolved and the process of deportation of such foreigners becomes easier and hassle free."

() As for D-Voters, 2,31,657 cases have been referred to the tribunals so far. Of them, 87,589 cases have been disposed. Of these, 6,400 have been declared foreigners, 43,465 have been declared Indians and in 37,724 cases "no opinion could be expressed".

How many foreigners are there?

The AGP-led government had stated in 1986 "there is no definite information". In 1996, it said the "exact number of foreigners and illegal migrants in Assam cannot be estimated as it is a fact of history and continuous process." Former chief minister Hiteswar Saikia had once put out a figure of 30 lakh, but withdrew it on the double.

Figurespeak

(a) Decadal population growth higher than the rest of the country through major part of 20th century but fell below it between 1991 and 2011 (provisional).

(b) Muslim population rose from 12.4 per cent in 1901 to 30.92 in 2001, which is the highest in the country with West Bengal and Kerala following at 25.25 per cent and 24.7 per cent respectively.

Now what?

(a) Tribunals to dispose cases within 60 days

(b) Tribunals, Border Wing of Assam Police being strengthened

(c) More tribunals proposed

(d) Updating of NRC

(e) Unique Identification scheme to develop comprehensive database for the entire resident population of the country

(f) Activate local thana-level committees for detecting foreigners at the grassroots

Source: http://in.news.yahoo.com/gogoi-releases-white-paper-foreigners-210411923.html

This puja pandal salutes the Hindu monk of India

The Vivekananda Rock memorial in Kanayakumari on the meeting point of Indian Ocean, Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea will come closer for citizens here as Darbhanga puja committee pandal this year has been modeled on its lines. The idea is backed by the coincidence that Prayag, as Allahabad is also known, too stands on the confluence of Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati rivers. The picturesque Vivekananda Rock Memorial has been replicated artfully at the pandal. 

The young Indian sage and youth icon of the country, Swami Vivekananda came to Kanyakumari on February 24, 1892 before his departure for Chicago to participate in the World Religious Conference in 1893. He sat in meditation on this rock for two days and went on to be a powerful spiritual leader and philosopher. Vivekananda Rock Memorial was built in 1970 and is a blend of various architectural styles of India. 

Talking to TOI, general secretary of Darbhanga colony puja committee Debobroto Basu said "It is the sesquicentennial year (150th year) of Swami Vivekananda's birth anniversary, so we decided to recreate the Vivekananda Rock Memorial at the puja pandal." The unique characteristic of the pandal is that it is located on a raised platform about 25 to 30 foot above the ground while the entire structure has been erected on a bamboo framework. The height of the pandal is about 60 feet from ground. The is exquisitely decorated interior of the pandal has specially designed idols of Ganesha etched on the walls, along with floral motifs. 

About 15 artists from Kolkata have been called who are toiling day and night to give shape to the pandal. Artist Vibhas Das, says "We are ardent devotees of Goddess Durga and it is our labour of love and devotion." 

To replicate the memorial, special effects using water would be created in front of the pandal to give it the semblance of sea surrounding it. The structure would be complete and ready for display on October 20. The Durga idol placed in the pandal has been prepared by artists from West Bengal. 

Durga and Symbolism 

Goddess Durga is believed to be the mother of the universe and the power behind all creation, preservation, and destruction of the world. Since time immemorial she has been worshipped as the supreme being and mentioned in Yajur Veda, Vajasaneyi Samhita and Taittareya Brahman. The word 'Durga' in Sanskrit means fort, or a place which is difficult to overrun. Another meaning is 'Durgatinashini', which translates into 'the one who eliminates sufferings'. 

Many Forms 

There are many incarnations of Durga: Kali, Bhagvati, Bhavani, Ambika, Lalita, Gauri, Kundalini, Java, Rajeswari, etc. Durga incarnated as the united power of all divine beings, who offered her the required physical attributes and weapons to kill the demon Mahishasur. Her nine appellations are Skondamata, Kusumanda, Shailaputri, Kaalratri, Brahmacharini, Maha Gauri, Katyayani, Chandraghanta and Siddhidatri. 

Many Arms 

Durga is depicted as having eight or ten hands. These represent eight quadrants or 10 directions in Hinduism and suggests she protects devotees from all directions. 

Her Vehicle, The Lion 

The lion represents power, will and determination. Mother Durga riding the lion symbolises mastery over all forces and suggests to the devotee that one has to possess all these qualities to get over the demon of ego. 

Source: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/allahabad/This-puja-pandal-salutes-the-Hindu-monk-of-India/articleshow/16845330.cms

‘Stateless’ remedy to illegal problem

SK Sinha

The ethnic-cum-communal violence in Kokrajhar, resulting in 100 people brutally killed and four lakh rendered homeless, has been a great humanitarian tragedy. The root cause for this mayhem is the changing demographic profile of the region. Ethnic violence of greater dimension took place in Assam during the 1983 Nellie massacre when over 2,000 Bangladeshis were killed in one night, but far fewer rendered homeless.

Assam has been in the eye of East Bengal, now Bangladesh, for over a century. In 1905, the Muslim League demanded “Bange-Islam”, merging sparsely populated Assam with heavily populated Muslim majority East Bengal. Mass migration from East Bengal into Assam continued. In the 1931 Assam census report, the British Census Superintendent expressed grave concern over Assamese people getting engulfed by this influx. During the Second World War, Sir Mohammad Sadaulla, the chief minister of Assam, gave a big fillip to this influx. Lord Wavell in The Viceroy’s Journal wrote that in the name of “Grow More Food”, Sadaulla was “growing more Muslims”. The 1946 Cabinet plan placed Assam and Bengal in Group C. Had this been accepted, Assam would be part of Bangladesh today. During a visit to Guwahati in 1946, Jinnah confidently declared that he had Assam in his pocket.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, in The Myth of Independence, asserts that the dispute between India and Pakistan is not only about Kashmir but also some districts of Assam adjacent to East Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in his book Eastern Pakistan: Its Population, Delimitation and Economics, wrote, “Eastern Pakistan must include Assam to be financially and economically strong.” Various intellectuals in Bangladesh have been advocating lebensraum (living space) for Bangladesh in Assam.

The Congress has been encouraging illegal migration from Bangladesh to build its votebank. Dev Kant Barua, of “Indira is India and India is Indira” fame, as Congress president declared that his party will always win elections in Assam with the help of Alis and coolies; the former standing for Bangladeshi migrants and the latter for tea garden labour.

B.K. Nehru, a respected member of the ruling family, was the governor of Assam in the Sixties. He writes in his autobiography, Nice Guys Finish Second, that three politicians from Assam in Delhi guided the Congress’ policy on Assam. They were Dev Kant Barua, Moinul Haque Chowdhry former private secretary to Jinnah and then a Cabinet minister and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, another Cabinet minister who later became President. B.K. Nehru and B.P. Chaliha, the then chief minister of Assam, took up the issue of illegal migrants from Bangladesh but were restrained.

He laments, “Chaliha placed the national interests above the party but the party high command thought otherwise.” Lt. Gen. Jameel Mahmood, the Eastern Army Commander in the Nineties, advised Jyoti Basu and Hiteshwar Saikia, the then chief ministers of Bengal and Assam respectively, that if action was not taken against the Bangladeshi infiltrators, we would have to redraw the boundaries of India in the Northeast. He also wrote to the Army Headquarters that a Kashmir like situation would develop in Dhubri, abutting the narrow Siliguri corridor.

On April 10, 1992, Hiteshwar Saikia stated that there were three million Bangladeshi illegal migrants in Assam. Some MLAs threatened to withdraw support from his government. This would have resulted in his falling. Two days later he committed a volte face and issued a statement that there were no illegal migrants in Assam.

Indrajit Gupta, the home minister told Parliament on May 6, 1997, that there were 10 million illegal Bangladeshi migrants in India, of which three million were reported in Assam. In 1998, as governor of Assam, I submitted a 42-page printed report to the President, pointing out that these illegal migrants were not only changing the demography of Assam but also posing a grave threat to our national security.

I made 15 recommendations, including effective border fencing, multi-purpose identity cards, updating national register of citizens and repeal of Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act. The latter applied only to Assam and facilitated illegal migration. I also recommended that as the Bangladesh government, including Sheikh Hasina, did not accept the fact about illegal migrants, it was not possible to deport them. They should be declared stateless citizens with no voting rights nor be allowed to acquire immovable property.

Twenty Congress MPs from the Northeast appealed to the President to recall me for dabbling in politics. No action was taken on my recommendations. Halfway through my tenure in Assam, Tarun Gogoi became the chief minister. He issued statements to the press about what he referred to as my constitutional impropriety in raking up Bangladeshi migrants’ issue. He asked the Centre to restrain me. He was unaware of any Bangladeshi illegal migrants in Assam. Today halfway through his third term as chief minister, he seems to have become wiser. He now admits that Assam is sitting on a volcano. He has even accepted that there are 39,000 illegal Bangladeshi migrants in Assam.

The Supreme Court struck down the IMDT Act in 2005, quoting extracts from my report to the President. The government brought back the IMDT Act through the backdoor by amending the Foreigners Act. This, too, has been struck down. The judiciary has referred to the Bangladeshi infiltration as “demographic aggression”. Gauhati high court, in a judgment delivered on July 23, 2008, has observed that Bangladeshi migrants have become kingmakers. Eleven out of 27 districts of Assam have migrant majority.

Two Muslims were killed possibly by Bodos on July 6. The migrant militants retaliated by shooting four Bodo leaders. This led to widespread violence. Both communities have suffered grievously. On July 20, the state government asked for military help which ministry of defence approved on July 24 and the Army got deployed on July 25. The blame game is being played between the Centre and the state. Apart from accusing the Centre of delay, Mr Gogoi has even blamed it for not providing intelligence. The latter, in such cases, is the responsibility of the state government.

Neiphun Riyu, the chief minister of Nagaland, has been reporting that Bangladeshi migrants are receiving arms training in the jungles bordering Assam and Nagaland. This was ignored. The recent ethnic clashes in Kokrajhar show new-found aggressive militancy among Bangladeshi migrants. The All-India United Democratic Front is the second largest party in the state Assembly. It is primarily a communal party of Bangladesh migrants functioning as rival of the Congress. It has been garnering support from minorities all over the country. The recent violence unleashed in Mumbai and Pune is also a result of this.

Apart from ensuring peace and rehabilitating the affected people of both communities, the government must declare illegal migrants stateless citizens. It has all the justification to do so. Over one lakh non-Muslim refugees of 1947 living in Jammu are still stateless citizens with no voting rights nor the right to acquire immovable property. Elsewhere in the country these 1947 refugees were immediately given full citizenship, with two becoming Prime Ministers and one deputy Prime Minister.

A pusillanimous and appeasement approach to the Assam problem is suicidal for national security.

The author, a retired lieutenant-general, was Vice-Chief of Army Staff and has served as governor of Assam and Jammu and Kashmir

Source: http://www.asianage.com/columnists/stateless-remedy-illegal-problem-829

Codification of Hindu laws in India is not Uniform Civil Code

Not much progress has been made towards achieving the ideal of a uniform civil code which still remains a distant dream. The only tangible step taken in this direction has been the codification and secularization of Hindu law. The codification of Muslim law still remains a sensitive matter. The unique feature of Islam is that the historical foundations of Islamic religious law, i.e. shari’a, include a universal system of law and ethics and purport to regulate every aspect of public and private life. The power of shari’a to regulate the behaviour of Muslim derives from its moral and religious authority as well as the formal enforcement of its legal norms. Many authors hold the view that the nature of shari’a reflects specific historical interpretations of the scriptural imperatives of Islam.

However, to an overwhelming majority of Muslims today, shari’a is the sole valid interpretation of Islam, and as such ought to prevail over any human law or policy. This becomes extremely problematic because shari’a conflicts with international human rights standards in that it discriminated against women and non-Muslims. The divinity of shari’a insulates it from challenge by an average Muslim and prevents a successful criticism from the human rights perspective from taking place.

What needs to be remembered, however, is that India is a secular country where the Constitutional philosophy reigns supreme. Personal laws, howsoever scared, should not be allowed to encroach upon the inviolable collective values of the nation. India is not an Islamic country and in fact, has a secular code for criminal law. If the Muslim community has accepted a non-shari’a code in one sphere, then logically, it should be amenable to such a code in other spheres as well.    

It is necessary that law be divorced from religion. With the enactment of a uniform code, secularism will be strengthened; much of the present day separation and divisiveness between various religious groups in the country will disappear, and India will emerge as a much more cohesive and integrated nation.

Noakhali, October 10, 1946 – continues to haunt

The Islamic pogrom against Bengali Hindus in Noakhali and Tipperah, positioned in the then Chittagong division of pre-partitioned Bengal, started on October 10, 1946 – on the day of Kojaagari Laxmi Puja. 65 years have passed by now but the religious persecution of Bengali Hindus in Noakhali, enough to put even Gestapo and perpetrators of Soviet Gulag to shame, haunts Hindu psyche on each Puja day.

As per history, Noakhali genocide affected the areas under the Ramganj, Begumganj, Raipur, Lakshmipur, Chhagalnaiya and Sandwip police stations in Noakhali district and the areas under Hajiganj, Faridganj, Chandpur, Laksham and Chauddagram police stations in Tipperah district. A total area of over 2,000 square miles turned into a cremation chamber of Hindus completely. The whole saga took place to avenge defeat of Muslims on Direct Action Day, August 15, 1946 – a face-to-face fierce battle started by Muslim jingoists to wrest Calcutta, the second city of the British Empire after London, from Hindus, ended with valiant reprisal by Hindus.

An assortment of reports, investigations do authenticate that 6,000 – 7, 000 Hindus were killed on the whole but above all massacres, rapes, abductions and forced conversions of Hindus and loot and arson of Hindu properties, perpetrated by the Muslim community in the districts of Noakhali caught the attention of humanity worldwide. The event not only sealed the fate of dreams of a free, undivided India but also of Bengali Hindus once and for all.

Now the subject remains of the extent of tortures on Hindus in Noakhali.

Here are some excerpts.

“Worst of all was the plight of women. Several of them had to watch their husbands being murdered and then be forcibly converted and married to some of those responsible for their death. Those women had a dead look. It was not despair, nothing so active as that. It was blackness…….the eating of beef and declaration of allegiance to Islam has been forced upon many thousands of as the price of their lives” – written by Miss Muriel Leister, member of a relief committee sent to Noakhali, on 6th November, 1946,(V.V. Nagarkar – Genesis – p 446).

October 23, 1946 edition of Amrita Bazar Patrika stated clearly:

“For the 13th day today, about 120 villages in Ramganj, Lakshmipur, Raipur, Begumganj and Senbag thanas (police stations) in Noakhali district with a Hindu population of 90,000 and nearby 70,000 villagers in Chandpur and Faridganj thanas in Tippera (Comilla) district remained besieged by hooligans. Death stares the people of these areas in their face and immediate rushing of supply to these areas with the help of military, who alone could do it, would save the lives of these people, most of whom have been without food for the last few days.”

On 16/10/1946, The Statesman reported:

“In an area of about 200 sq miles the inhabitants surrounded by riotous mobs, are being massacred, their houses being burnt, their womenfolk being forcibly carried away and thousands being subjected to forcible conversion. Thousands of hooligans attacked the villages, compelled them (Hindus) to slaughter their cattle and eat. All places of worship in affected villages have been desecrated. The District Magistrate and the Police Superintendent of Noakhali took no step to prevent it.”

Noakhali carnage took place due to several factors, one of them was the need of Muslim vengeance to defeat in Great Calcutta Killing by Hindus. On October 10, 1946 the pogrom started with the rabble-rousing speech of Gulam Sarowar, an ex-M.L.A of Muslim League at Begumganj Bazar. A dreadful anti-Hindu speech by quoting verses of Quran exhorting Muslims to kill the Kafirs and idolators and perform religious duty was given. This was followed by violent assaults of Muslim mobs on Hindu properties, killings of hundreds of Hindus, rapes of Hindu women – a complete savagery.

When the correspondent of 'Amrit Bazaar Patrika' S.L.Ghosh reached Noakhali, he reported:

"The horror of the Noakhali outrage is unique in modern history in that it was not a simple case of turbulent members of the majority community (Muslims) killing off helpless members of the minority Hindu community, but was one whose chief aim was mass conversion, accompanied by loot, arson and wholesale devastation... No section of the Hindu community has been spared, the wealthier classes being dealt with more drastically. Abduction and outrage of Hindu women and forcible marriages were also resorted. The slogans used and the methods employed indicate that it was all part of a plan for the simultaneous establishment of Pakistan."

Each Kojaagari Laxmi Puja brings back horror of Noakhali more and more – an episode that remains unparalleled in the history of savagery even, in every sense of the term.

End organized crime to end Islamic terrorism in India

Terrorism and Organized Crime in India

D Suba Chandran (Research Officer)

Organized crime and terrorism result from ineffective governance and have developed a symbiotic relationship; nevertheless, it is essential to differentiate them. Neither are all terrorist acts organized crime, nor are all organized criminal acts terrorism; in most developed countries, organized crime thrives with little or no terrorist activities, and in most developing countries, terrorism exists along with varying levels of organized criminal activity.

The differences between them rest on means and ends. Terrorism aims to overthrow the existing government by altering the status quo. Organized crime, on the other hand aims to form a parallel government while coexisting with the existing one; any change in the status quo is only circumstantial and born out of convenience rather than zealous revisionist policy. Secondly, terrorism primarily uses violent means, whereas organized crime prefers to be non-violent notwithstanding odd resort to belligerence. Third, terrorism is driven purely by political objectives despite exploitation of regional, national and religious sentiments to achieve their ends; conversely, economic objectives are the operational determinants of organized crime.

What are the linkages between terrorism and organized crime and how are they relevant in the Indian context? While organized crime involves many activities, its linkages with terrorism stem from illegal trafficking of drugs, arms and human beings and money laundering. Terrorist groups, whether indigenous or sponsored by outside states, need arms and money for their fight against the security forces. Organized crime conglomerates need a clientele and couriers who can smuggle drugs, arms and human beings across the countries and regions.

In India, the linkages between the two exist at national and transnational levels. At the national level, both terrorists and those involved in organized crime are within India. At the international level, collaboration exists between transnational syndicates and terrorists from inside and outside India.

In India’s northeast, almost all the militant groups run a parallel government or have their areas of influence and are involved in collecting money directly from the people. Much of the government funds reach the militants indirectly due to misgovernance. Government officials in conflict zones are either threatened or bribed to award contracts to individuals patronized by the militant groups. Contracts apart, essential commodities like rice and kerosene reach the militant groups directly which are then sold to the public at much higher prices. This cycle, though unnoticed in other parts of India, is a clear example of the linkage between organized crime and terrorism inside India.

Extortion, kidnap, contracts and black marketing still fall short of financing the nefarious activities of the militants. This is where transnational drugs and arms syndicates come into play. Terrorist organizations in India, especially in the northeast, mobilize funds by becoming couriers of illegal drugs and arms and at times even human beings from one point to another within the country. Some of the infamous entry points from Southeast Asia include Moreh and the entire Chittagong Hill tracts, especially Cox’s Bazaar. Initially, international criminal syndicates had their own network; however, with these routes being taken over by various terrorist groups in the northeastern states, the syndicates started using these groups instead of bribing them to let their consignments get through.

In Kashmir, the linkages between terrorists and organized crime exist at a different level. Unlike the northeast, reliance on funds from extortion and other related means is minimal. There is no parallel government in Kashmir and government resources do not reach militant hands. However, external funds compensate for inadequate internal mobilization. External funds reach the militant organizations fighting in Kashmir thorough various means. For instance, enormous funds that are mobilized in Pakistan and other Muslim countries, especially in the Gulf, are channeled through various organizations in Pakistan to Kashmir. Markaz dawa al Arshad, for example, mobilizes funds from inside and outside Pakistan, to support its militant wing, Lashkar-e-Toiba. Besides, external funds are also routed through select organizations and individuals in Kashmir, which finally reach the militants. Money laundering plays a significant role. Hawala (money laundering) transactions take place swiftly and effectively in Kashmir. Besides, it is also believed that the ISI uses drug money to fund militant activities in Kashmir.

Another significant relationship between organized crime and terrorism, especially in Kashmir, is through the spread of counterfeit currency. Terrorists are the main couriers of Indian counterfeit currency inside Kashmir, which then spreads all over India. Even guides for the militants from across the border are paid with counterfeit money. In fact, when some of the ‘indigenous’ militants were also paid with counterfeits, it resulted in squabble between them and the so-called guest militants.

Besides Kashmir and the northeast, sporadic incidents in other parts of India like the Bombay blasts, for instance, have exposed the connection between terrorism and organized crime. This is distinct from the traditional linkages flourishing between organized crime syndicates and local criminals.

Source: http://www.ipcs.org/article/india/terrorism-and-organized-crime-in-india-973.html